By BRIAN A. HOWEY
    
INDIANAPOLIS – Journalists write the so-called first draft of history. Some of us join the true historians, step back and reevaluate the early takes.
    
With Howey Politics Indiana observing its 20th Anniversary this year, it was appropriate to take that step back, go through past editions and make some new assessments. In this anniversary edition, we not only did that, but we did it with almost 300 HPI subscribers participating.
    
In the “exit interview” with Gov. Mitch Daniels, the notion was that a decade beyond a governorship would be a good time for such an evaluation. Daniels agreed. In 2006, we conducted the most comprehensive review of Evan Bayh’s governorship, and in September 2013, did the same with Frank O’Bannon’s.
    
This anniversary edition gave us a similar but broader retrospective. My professional journalism career began in 1978 when I took a job with the Warsaw Times-Union as a sports writer. But my passion for politics had me jogging with Sen. Dick Lugar around Winona Lake and another endearing afternoon with former U.S. House Minority Leader Charlie Halleck. As a student, I had interviewed Speaker Doc Bowen. So while The Howey Political Report began publishing in August 1994, I decided to take this exercise back to the origins of my own professional career and the advent of the Bowen governorship, a new period where the chief executive could run for reelection.
    
HPI asked our readers to not only weigh in on the governors of this era, but the U.S. senators (including William Jenner and Homer Capehart), the congressional delegation, General Assembly leaders, mayors, party leaders and lobbyists. The results of the reader surveys can be found on pages 13. We incorporated the reader survey into this generational perspective.
    
In going through this exercise, there were some surprises. I came to the conclusion that Gov. Robert Orr was a more impactful chief executive than Doc Bowen, when conventional wisdom generally had Bowen as the alpha figure of that era. While the House Speaker is generally seen as the most powerful Hoosier politician in a state with a constitutionally weak governorship, I list governors and two legendary state Senate leaders, Robert Garton and Larry Borst, ranked higher than the modern Speakers, mostly because of their longevity and clout exhibited over a quarter century. I weighed the impact of Indiana versus federal leaders. In the case of Sens. Lugar and Birch Bayh, their careers on Capitol Hill impacted not only Hoosiers, but the nation and the world.
    
Some current officeholders, such as Gov. Mike Pence and Senate President Long, are lower on this particular list primarily because they are in the early parts of their tenures. A subsequent exercise in five or 10 years (Lord willing) could yield a different perspective.
    
I took into account how the Speakers during the patronage era were different than this era. I looked at how governors expended (or didn’t) political capital. I looked at political organizations that created a leadership tree, as evidenced by the high rankings of Lugar, both Bayhs and Daniels.
    
While this exercise will provide a good read, it could also be instructive to those currently serving the public and those who aspire to.
    
I hope you enjoy this read. I invite you to join us from 5 to 8 tonight at the Antelope Club to celebrate HPI’s 20 years of publishing. I suspect there will be some vivid conversations on the conclusions reached with this edition.
    
Here is the Howey Politics Indiana 20th Anniversary Power 50 List.

1. U.S. Sen. Richard Lugar: Rhodes Scholar. IPS School Board member. Author of the Shortridge desegregation plan. Two-term mayor who forged Unigov. Six-term U.S. senator. Leads all Hoosier candidates in history with more than 7 million votes. In gauging Indiana political figures over the past generation, Lugar’s resume is unparalleled, even though he lost two Senate races. But when you fill in this structure with the highlights, the bar rises even higher. As a freshman senator, he authored legislation that allowed Chrysler to survive the oil shocks of the late 1970s and that corporation paid tens of millions of dollars in wages and taxes. His election monitoring was the catalytic factor ending the Ferdinand Marcos regime in the Philippines. He convinced President Reagan to change U.S. foreign policy to what became a precursor to the end of South African apartheid. The biggest miss here was Lugar’s role in the ramp up of the Iraq invasion of 2003, which history is proving to be a debacle, though Lugar was an early voice warning of a lack of preparation for the occupation. Ultimately, this led to the rise of the ISIS threat we face today. But the chapter of Lugar’s career that truly stands out is his partnership with Democrat U.S. Sen. Sam Nunn in creating the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program that secured the rusting Soviet nuclear, biological and chemical arsenals. This kept WMD out of the hands of terrorists. The highly enriched uranium once housed on missiles aimed at U.S. cities ended up providing 10% of the U.S. electric generation for a generation. That type of achievement, atop of his other efforts on fighting hunger and the diversification of energy supplies, is unprecedented for a U.S. senator.
 
2. Gov. Mitch Daniels: In a state where the House Speaker has the most tools when the General Assembly is in session including a simple majority veto override, Mitch Daniels became the alpha Statehouse power center for eight years. He spent his political capital in extraordinary fashion, figuring good policy made good politics. He was President Reagan’s political director, headed the Senatorial Campaign Committee, turned down Gov. Robert Orr’s offer of Dan Quayle’s Senate seat, before becoming President George W. Bush’s budget director. Behind the scenes, he engineered a takeover of the Indiana Republican Party in 2002, then in 2003 Daniels acquired widespread populist approval with his RV1 tour of the state that in the first three-quarters of his governorship allowed him to direct, generate or co-opt the policy mantle even with the legislature in the building. On his first day, Daniels’ initial executive order ending collective bargaining for state employees gave him the budget flexibility to end the smoke and mirrors that was the hallmark of the previous eight budgets. The Major Moves and telecommunications reforms of 2006 established growth in transportation and communications. When the GOP lost the House majority two years in, Daniels found consensus on health issues with legislative Democrats, resulting in the Healthy Indiana Plan. He moved administratively on education issues, directed his energies toward regaining House majority in 2010 that allowed Republicans to control the redistricting process that ultimately forged the sprawling education reforms of 2011 as well as the current super majorities. By this time, some of Daniels populist appeal waned as the Tea Party opposed Common Core. But Daniels had created enough policy success and an aura of reforming and restructuring that he could have become a viable 2012 presidential contender. During the Daniels years, there was little doubt over who was in charge and where the ideas were flowing.
 
3. U.S. Sen. Birch Bayh: While he never won a U.S. Senate race with more than a 5% plurality, the former Indiana House speaker became a legendary U.S. senator. Bayh authored two of the 16 amendments to the U.S. Constitution on presidential succession and 18-year-old voting, as well as Title IX that opened collegiate sports funding for women. He parted with President Lyndon Johnson on the Vietnam War, which in a historical perspective has proven to be the correct decision. He became an enemy of President Nixon when he spearheaded two successful rejections of U.S. Supreme Court nominees. A friend of the Kennedy dynasty, Bayh saved U.S. Sen. Ted Kennedy’s life when he pulled him out of a plane crash. And he sired a future Indiana governor. That is a magnificent public career that ended in 1980 with his defeat to a future U.S. vice president.
 
4. Gov. Robert D. Orr: He has long been perceived as the second part of the Bowen/Orr tickets of 1972 and 1976. But his experience as World War II veteran, Evansville businessman and state senator gave him a skill set and global vision that, as time has proven, has allowed Indiana to diversify its economy with a dramatic infusion of Pacific Rim investment. The initiative of the Orr/Mutz administration brought Sony to Terre Haute and Subaru to Lafayette. This was interrupted during the Bayh governorship. Orr took an ambassador post to Singapore after his second term ended, keeping him tapped into these expanding eastern economies. Today, more than 200 Japanese firms have accounted for 40% of every investment dollar in Indiana in recent years. While Orr’s first term was crippled with the severe oil shock session that required the largest tax increase in state history in 1982, at the end of his second term he forged the A-Plus education reforms that set a trend for every governor who has followed him to improve Indiana education. Orr used his Senate background to become a consensus governor.
 
5. Gov. Otis “Doc” Bowen: The Bremen family physician had a grandfatherly demeanor that masked a powerful political skill set in a different era. As House speakers, Bowen and his successor, Kermit Burrous, maintained an iron-fisted modus operandi based on the party patronage system. It allowed county Republican chairs to vastly influence legislators. Bowen used this system as he ruled the House and then charted a gubernatorial career. He lost his first race in 1968 to Gov. Edgar Whitcomb, then stormed back in 1972 to win the nomination as the state ushered in an era of two-term governors. He defeated former Democratic Gov. Matt Welsh that year. Bowen campaigned on a property tax reform package, which became his gubernatorial legacy after he rammed it though the two chambers on close votes, though those reforms eroded over the next decade. Bowen was a popular governor and could have had the 1980 U.S. Senate nomination. He declined, but returned to public service when President Reagan nominated him to be the first medical doctor to head the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Bowen took the helm just as the AIDS epidemic was cutting its tragic course through the population. He also engineered successful health reforms that President Reagan signed into law in the final months of his second term. Congress repealed those reforms a year later.
 
6. Gov. Evan Bayh: The senator’s son revived what had been a depleted Indiana Democratic Party. This arc extended from managing his father’s losing 1980 reelection bid, to a move back to the state in 1984 and a successful run for secretary of state in 1986 before he ended a 20-year Republican gubernatorial dynasty two years later. Bayh’s governorship was buffeted by a split 50/50 House between 1989 and 1990, the rise of riverboat gaming, and a Republican-dominated Indiana Senate. He was able to forge a record excise tax cut, and his administrations focused on education, though low high school graduation rates and the “brain drain” of college graduates leaving the state was a problem. Bayh’s gubernatorial tenure was always seen as a stepping stone to presidential politics. He was on several veep lists. He won two U.S. Senate terms after eight years as governor, but his Senate career was lackluster. Bayh won elections in landslide fashion, in contrast to his father’s much narrower wins, but the latter’s policy career towered over the son. Considered a potential 2008 presidential candidate, Bayh abruptly pulled out of that race at the end of 2006 as U.S. Sen. Barack Obama’s star rose. Bayh endorsed U.S. Sen. Hillary Clinton, who lost the presidential nomination to Obama. In 2010, he returned Indiana Democrats to a path of super minority status when he shocked the political world with an 11th hour announcement he would not seek a third term.
 
7. Senate President Robert Garton: Arguably one of the most powerful legislators in Indiana history, the Columbus Republican first elected in 1970 restored integrity to the scandal-marred Indiana Senate in 1980 after Senate President Pro Tem Martin “Chip” Edwards was indicted and convicted of bribery. For the next 26 years, Garton led the Senate in an iron-fisted manner, but always wrapped in a veneer of civility. As a chamber leader, he kept the Senate in Republican hands for a quarter of a century under his leadership, ardently defending members who began facing primary challenges in 2002 when Sen. Steve Johnson was defeated. Two years later it was Sen. Larry Borst who fell, and finally in 2006, Garton was upset in a 58-42% landslide to Greg Walker. Garton was challenged by Right to Life and Right to Work forces upset by his moderate stance on those issues. Garton became vulnerable when he lost touch, helping to pass health care for life for legislators that became a lightning rod and set the stage for his shocking defeat.
 
8. Vice President Dan Quayle: In the television era of Indiana politics, as many as 10 Hoosiers were under speculation for the quadrennial “veepstakes.” It was Quayle, a Huntington newspaper executive, two-term congressman and two-term U.S. senator who actually ended up on a ticket. Quayle had earned a reputation working on defense issues in the Senate. As the 1988 race unfolded, Vice President George H.W. Bush was the heir apparent. Early that year, Quayle and his wife Marilyn began executing a strategy to position him for the ticket, and pulled it off in brilliant fashion. It culminated in the senator’s appearance on ABC’s “This Week with David Brinkley.” A few days later, Bush arrived in New Orleans and announced his selection of Quayle, who was pulled out of a sweaty audience, his political fate quickly turned over to James Baker. It was all downhill from there as Quayle had to fend off an array of stories by a news media shocked by his selection and knowing little of his background. The Bush/Quayle ticket prevailed. Leading into 1992, there was talk of dumping Quayle, but Bush was loyal and his vice president was actually the better performer on the reelection campaign, igniting the “family values” issue designed to stoke the conservative base. The Clinton/Gore ticket prevailed and Quayle launched a brief presidential bid in 2000 before it became clear that Texas Gov. George W. Bush would prevail.
 
9. State Sen. Larry Borst: The Greenwood Republican is the bookend legislative titan to Garton, the pair in our view are the most powerful legislative tandem in history. An ally of legendary Marion County Republican Chairman L. Keith Bulen, in 1965, Borst co-founded the Republican Action Committee that paved the way for Richard Lugar’s 1967 Indianapolis mayoral win. Elected to the House in 1966, Borst moved to the Senate two years later. He assumed the helm of the Senate Finance Committee in 1973 and with the exception of two years (1975-76 when Democrats took control), was the most powerful chairman in state history until his primary defeat in 2004 by Brent Waltz by less than 50 votes. During his chairmanship, there wasn’t a budget bill or tax policy that didn’t have Borst’s stamp. As powerful as the Garton/Borst team was, the state allowed its banking industry to be overtaken by outside corporations, but Borst paved the way for the casino gaming industry to establish itself in 1993.
 
10. Speaker Brian Bosma: The Indianapolis Republican is in his second stint as Speaker, considered the most powerful government post in the state while the General Assembly is in session. Under Bosma’s helm, he was instrumental in guiding through some of the most audacious reform legislation in modern history, ranging from Major Moves to the education reforms of 2011. Some of this was initiated by Gov. Mitch Daniels, though later in that governorship, Bosma asserted his mojo and successfully pushed for Right to Work legislation. Over the past two years, he has adroitly worked with a super majority caucus that grappled with the marriage issue and presented his power when he moved the legislation from a deadlocked committee to allow it to be heard on the floor. Bosma has broken the mold in several ways, appointing Democrat committee chairs. He was also instrumental in transparency efforts, bringing webcasts to sessions and committee meetings. He is considered to be a future gubernatorial candidate.
 
11. Speakers Paul Mannweiler and Michael K. Phillips: In this “speakers tier” of this generational Power 50, Mannweiler acted as a bridge between the patronage era when Doc Bowen and Kermit Burrous relied on the party structure to enforce the “iron-fisted” nature of the job. Mannweiler emerged as a leader during Gov. Evan Bayh’s era that ended the patronage system. He was a three-term speaker, serving under the final years of Gov. Orr when his A-Plus education program passed through the House, then as co-speaker with Michael K. Phillips from 1988 to 1990 during the historic first 50/50 split. His final stint came after the 1994 GOP tidal wave through 1996. He retired in 2000 and joined Bose Public Affairs. Phillips served as co-speaker and during the periods when Democrats reclaimed the chamber. The co-speaker era was described by Rep. Richard Mangus as “It’s like having two steering wheels and two people trying to turn them.” His assumption of the gavel for the 1991 redistricting allowed Democrats to be competitive the following decade. But Phillips was washed out during the 1994 tidal wave, following Republican Speaker J. Roberts Dailey, who was upset in 1986.
 
12. Speaker John Gregg: The Knox County Democrat upset Republican State Rep. Bill Roach in 1986, quickly ascended to majority leader in 1990 and minority leader from 1994 to 96. On the night that Speaker Phillips was upset, Gregg and his lieutenants worked the phones overnight and out-maneuvered B. Patrick Bauer to take the caucus helm. Gregg then served as Speaker from 1996 through 2002 when he retired from the House. He reemerged a decade later to win the 2012 Democratic gubernatorial nomination, losing by just under 3% to Gov. Mike Pence. Gregg is expected to seek the nomination in 2016.

13. Speaker B. Patrick Bauer: The South Bend Democrat was elected to the House in 1970 and is the longest-serving legislator in the nation. He is a two-time Speaker, taking the helm from Gregg in 2002 through 2004 after serving as Ways & Means chair, when Democrats lost majority in the Daniels-era wave. He regained the speakership in 2006 and became a sparring partner for Daniels over the next four years. As Speaker, he did everything he could to delay passage of a constitutional marriage amendment, which is no longer an issue that will be considered in the House, Speaker Bosma announced on Tuesday. He got under Daniels’ skin to the point where the governor described him as a “car bomber.” After chamber control returned to the Republicans in 2010, Bauer led a five-week walkout with his caucus fleeing to Illinois in an effort to kill Right-to-Work legislation. That July, Democrats removed him as caucus leader.
 
14. U.S. Rep. Lee Hamilton: For 34 years Hamilton represented the 9th CD. He chaired the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, the U.S. House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and the House Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran (1987). In that chair, Hamilton decided not to press impeachment proceedings against President Reagan as part of the Iran-Contra scandal, saying he did not think such a trial would be good for the country. Following the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks, Hamilton served on the 911 Commission and in 2006 on the Iraq Study Group, cementing his legacy as a pre-eminent American elder statesman. He now heads Indiana University’s Center on Congress.
 
15. Indianapolis Mayor Bill Hudnut: He was the longest-serving mayor of the state’s capital city, winning four terms from 1976 to 1992. He also served one term in Congress, defeating his good friend Andy Jacobs Jr., before Jacobs won the office back. While Mayor Lugar created Unigov that consolidated many city and county services while ensuring Indianapolis would be a GOP stronghold for a generation, Hudnut ushered in an era that began to recreate the downtown, first as an amateur sports center, and then built the Hoosier Dome that attracted the Colts to the city. Indianapolis also hosted the 1987 Pan American Games and built the Indiana Convention Center and the Indiana University School of Medicine. In 1990, Hudnut ran for secretary of state as a prelude to a 1992 gubernatorial bid, but lost to Democrat Joe Hogsett, essentially ending his political career. But the Indianapolis of today would not be a reality without Hudnut at the helm for so long.
 
16. Gov. Frank O’Bannon: The Senate minority leader pulled off one of the biggest upsets in modern Indiana politics, defeating Indianapolis Mayor Stephen Goldsmith in 1996. Eight years prior, O’Bannon forged a partnership with Evan Bayh for a Democratic ticket that won the office for the first time since 1964, with the Corydon senator agreeing to the number two spot to the much younger Bayh. As governor, O’Bannon had two extraordinary sessions, his first in 1997 when he engineered a deal that built a fieldhouse for the NBA Indiana Pacers while increasing workers’ comp benefits, and a property reform package during a special session, though its impact lasted for only a short time. O’Bannon had to deal with a court challenge to the state’s tax system, and then a recession. Toward the end of his term, he faced a rebellion of House Democrats. O’Bannon died of a stroke in September 2003.
 
17. Gov. Mike Pence: The fledgling governor is a work in progress, which is why he is on this part of this generational list. Pence is an expert communicator, having built a profitable TV/radio broadcast enterprise. After two unsuccessful bids in Congress, he won the 6th CD seat in 2000 and rose to the No. 3 position in the Republican conference after he contested John Boehner for the speakership. He parted ways with President George W. Bush on No Child Left Behind and the Medicare prescription drug expansion, which has earned him support among those advocating smaller government. Prior to his gubernatorial run, Pence was seen as a potential presidential or vice presidential nominee, but in 2011 he opted to seek the Indiana governorship, winning in 2012, though he was the first governor in half a century to win without a majority vote. While Pence has highlighted a series of tax cuts and is now eyeing a tax restructuring initiative, his efforts to match education with the needs of regional workforces has found wide bipartisan support in the General Assembly, and his regional work councils are beginning to meet the needs of Hoosier employers. Pence has placed much of his focus on keeping the state on a sound fiscal footing, though his $2 billion surplus has many urging him to take on some of the state’s persistent problems ranging from methamphetamine to health issues. He is awaiting a federal signoff on the Healthy Indiana Plan 2.0 which would bring between 300,000 and 600,000 into health insurance coverage. After his second biennial session this coming winter, Pence will make a decision on whether to seek reelection or launch a presidential bid. At age 55, Pence is young enough that he has the potential to have a national impact over the next decade or two.
 
18. Chairman L. Keith Bulen: Five of the people cited above had integral ties to Bulen, the man who took control of the Marion County Republican Party following the LBJ landslide of 1964 and forged one of the greatest GOP machines in modern history. “I could not have been elected without him,” Lugar said. He was the driving force behind Unigov, ensuring a generation of Republican mayors, and it became bedrock in the five consecutive GOP gubernatorial turns. “There was an aura around him that has never been matched by anybody in Indiana politics that I’ve seen,” Indiana GOP Chairman Mike McDaniel said upon Bulen’s death in 1999. After giving up the Marion County chair in 1972, Bulen was Midwest coordinator of Ronald Reagan’s presidential campaigns in 1976 and 1980. In 1980, he was deputy chairman of Reagan’s national campaign committee and was East Coast political director, and directed Reagan’s nominating convention of 1980. “He could have gotten anybody elected, he had that much of a following and he was that good,” former Republican Chairman Rex Early said. ‘He was the best.”

19. U.S. Sen. Dan Coats: Indiana’s senior senator emerged as a key aide to then U.S. Rep. Dan Quayle, followed him into the U.S. House in 1980 and into the U.S. Senate when Gov. Orr appointed him to fill Vice President Quayle’s term. Coats won tough reelection bids in 1990 and 1992 against Baron Hill and Joe Hogsett, then abruptly retired from the Senate in 1996 with Gov. Bayh waiting in the wings. President George W. Bush appointed him ambassador to Germany; taking that position just hours before the Sept. 11 terror attacks, Coats became a critical component of the Bush response. Coats reemerged in 2010, announcing he would challenge Sen. Bayh, who then abruptly walked away from the reelection bid. Coats’ Senate career has focused on a balanced budget amendment, defense and intelligence issues and he has sought a “grand bargain” with President Obama over tax and spending issues.
 
20. East Chicago Mayor Robert Pastrick: If there was a Democratic counterweight to Bulen, it was Mayor Pastrick. He was mayor of East Chicago for 33 years and chaired the Lake County Democratic machine for almost as long. The difference between Bulen and Pastrick was a wide array of the latter’s lieutenants who were convicted of corruption, though Pastrick evaded any criminal charges. But he was a go-to figure for Indiana Democrats seeking a bulwark of votes to offset Republican power centers of Indianapolis, the doughnut counties and Fort Wayne. Pastrick gave up the Democrat chair to long-time nemesis Stephen Stiglitz, and then an Indiana Supreme Court decision overturned Pastrick’s 2003 reelection bid over a sidewalk paving scandal, and Pastrick finally lost an election. But for a generation, the East Chicago Democrat was a critical figure for any Hoosier Democrat running statewide.
 
21. Bob Margraf: The former South Bend LaSalle literature teacher rose to become one of the most powerful lobbyists at the Indiana Statehouse, becoming the Indiana State Teachers Association’s chief lobbyist. John Ketzenberger would observe that Margraf “saw politics in three dimensions and used that to the advantage of the ISTA and Democrats. Margraf helped spearhead the defeat of House Speaker J. Roberts Dailey, a nearly unthinkable outcome at the time, and it was the linchpin in a long-term strategy that led Democrats to control of the Indiana House for the better part of 20 years. It also meant the teachers union was well positioned to ensure that favorable funding formulas and friendly legislation were in play at the end of every session. Margraf’s research and logic made sense, though, so it rarely came across as a naked power play.”
 
22. Senate President David Long: The Fort Wayne Republican rose to the president’s job after Sen. Garton’s primary defeat in 2006, forging a coalition of female senators and moderates. His early tenure was marked by elevating many of these female senators to leadership jobs, breaking the “Old Men’s Club” reputation of the Senate. Long has managed a steep learning curve into the position, calmly dealing with a sizable social conservative contingent in his super majority caucus. He proved to be an able partner of Gov. Daniels and now Pence in passing an array of education and labor issues.
 
23. U.S. Rep. John Brademas: The South Bend Democrat served as majority whip of the U.S. House from 1977 to 1980 and was seen as a future Speaker, until his upset loss to Republican John Hiler in the Reagan landslide election of 1980. He later became president of New York University. Brademas was elected to the House in 1959 and focused his efforts on education and labor issues. He was cosponsor of the 1965 legislation creating the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities.
 
24. Gov. Joe Kernan: The former South Bend mayor and lieutenant governor served the final months of Gov. O’Bannon’s term. As governor, his greatest legacy may have been breaking the gender barrier when he chose Kathy Davis for lieutenant governor. She became the first woman in state history for that post and on a gubernatorial ticket. Kernan might have had a greater legacy as governor, but in a dispute with O’Bannon over the selection of a Democratic Party chair, he shocked the political world in late 2002 by saying he would not run. O’Bannon’s death prompted him to reconsider, but the time lost in building a campaign and fundraising gave Republican Mitch Daniels the inside track, thus Kernan became the first sitting governor to lose the office. Kernan was a Vietnam War prisoner of war, held by the North Vietnamese for five years after the Navy pilot was shot down.

25. Chairman Gordon Durnil: He served eight years as Indiana Republican state chairman, longer than anyone in state history in the final two terms of the Republican gubernatorial dynasty. Durnil served in a management position in 38 Indiana Republican statewide campaigns; his 33 victories in those campaigns include those of presidents Nixon, Reagan and Bush, Gov. Robert Orr and senators Lugar, Quayle and Coats.
 
26. Jim Bopp Jr.: The Terre Haute attorney has played a huge role in rewriting post-Watergate election law. He was a driving force between the Citizens United and the McCutcheon cases. The 2007 Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission case upheld the First Amendment rights of individuals acting through corporations and labor unions to participate in the political process, and it struck down what Citizens United described as “an oppressive thicket of statutes restricting and even criminalizing their political speech.” The case arose in 2007, when Citizens United, a grass-roots membership organization, sought to broadcast a film critical of Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. The Federal Election Commission deemed the film too critical to be shown in the weeks before an election. The McCutcheon case earlier this year involved challenging the limits of how much individuals could contribute in a given election cycle. Hoosiers saw the fruits of the Citizens United case as more than $50 million spilled into the 2012 U.S. Senate race where Treasurer Richard Mourdock defeated Sen. Lugar in the Republican primary, then lost to Democrat Joe Donnelly in November. More than half of that money came from bundled super PACs. Bopp was an early supporter of Mourdock.
 
27. U.S. Sen. Joe Donnelly: The Democrat won an epic Senate race in 2012 after Republican-led redistricting prompted him to forego reelection in the 2nd CD for a challenge to Sen. Lugar. However, Treasurer Richard Mourdock was preparing to challenge Lugar in the primary fueled by the Tea Party which didn’t see Lugar as sufficiently conservative, and Indiana Democrat polling revealed Lugar had major problems with the GOP base. So it was a calculated gamble that paid off for Donnelly, who had lost his first congressional race to U.S. Rep. Chris Chocola, only to defeat him two years later in the 2006 Democratic wave election. Mourdock defeated Lugar in the primary, then watched the treasurer conduct a week’s worth of disastrous TV interviews. By the end of the summer, Moudock would only appear with GOP senators or handlers and he balked at taking part in Indiana Debate Commission events. He finally agreed to do two, with the second in New Albany yielding the epic blunder remarks on rape. Ironically, it was Chocola’s Club For Growth that emboldened Mourdock, polled for him and partially funded his campaign that created the opening for U.S. Sen. Donnelly.
 
28. U.S. Rep. Tim Roemer: The South Bend Democrat had been a Senate aide, had married a senator’s daughter, and in 1990 returned home to challenge U.S. Rep. John Hiler. Roemer pulled off the upset, then settled into a 12-year House career that ended with him serving on the 911 Commission which made recommendations after the terror assaults on the U.S. homeland. Roemer was an early supporter of Barack Obama’s presidential bid and that yielded him an ambassadorship to India.
 
29. U.S. Rep. Pete Visclosky: The dean of the Indiana congressional delegation was a former staffer to U.S. Rep. Adam Benjamin, who died in office. Gary Democrat Katie Hall succeeded Benjamin to become the first Hoosier African-American to serve in Congress. But in 1984, Visclosky defeated Rep. Hall 34-33% in a four-way Democratic primary, and that launched his lengthy congressional career. He was one of 126 Democrats to oppose the Iraq War Resolution in 2002. Visclosky heads the congressional steel caucus. He has been a driving force behind the Marquette Plan to redevelop the industrialized Lake Michigan shoreline, and has advocated expansion of the South Shore line.

30. U.S. Rep. Andy Jacobs Jr.: If there was a conscience of the Indiana congressional delegation, it was Jacobs, a fiscally conservative Democrat who opposed U.S. military interventions. He served with the Marines in the Korean War and was almost killed by Chinese soldiers, a fact he would personally point out to a later Chinese ambassador to the U.S. It was Jacobs who coined the phrases “war wimp” and “chicken hawks,” defining members of Congress willing to send sons into battle while they avoided military service themselves.
 
31. U.S. Rep. Julia Carson: The former state representative, senator and Center Township trustee, Carson became the most prominent elected African-American official in Indianapolis, establishing a dynastic political organization that led to the election of her grandson, U.S. Rep. Andre Carson.
 
32. Fort Wayne Mayor Paul Helmke: The three-term mayor took office in 1987 by defeating Democrat Mayor Win Moses. His tenure was marked by battling the crack cocaine crisis that engulfed his city. He initiated a significant annexation process that grew Fort Wayne and would head the U.S. Conference of Mayors. Helmke won the 1998 U.S. Senate nomination, but lost to former Gov. Bayh. In 2002, he unsuccessfully challenged U.S. Rep. Mark Souder. He later headed the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence.
 
33. Speaker J. Roberts Dailey: The Muncie Republican was Speaker for six years after Kermit Burrous gave up the post in 1980 to run for lieutenant governor. Dailey was a significant obstacle to an Indiana lottery, and was defeated for reelection in 1986, losing to Democrat Marc Carmichael in one of the biggest legislative upsets in modern times.
 
34. U.S. Sen. Vance Hartke: The former Evansville mayor became one of the few mayors to advance his political career, winning a U.S. Senate seat in 1958. He would hold it for three terms before Lugar defeated him in 1976. In 1970, Hartke defeated U.S. Rep. Richard Roudebush by fewer than 5,000 votes. Hartke was one of the first Senate Democrats to oppose the Vietnam War.
 35. Lt. Gov. John Mutz: He was the most powerful lieutenant governor in modern times, working in tandem with Gov. Orr to open the state for Pacific Rim investment. Mutz was also the best man to lose the governorship when he faced Evan Bayh in 1988 as the Republican machine began to seize up. Mutz has played a key role as a GOP elder over the past generation.

36. Speaker Kermit Burrous: For eight years, the farmer from Mexico, Ind., kept the House in order for his friend and mentor, Gov. Bowen. He left the House in 1980 to run for lieutenant governor, losing to Mutz.
 
37. Secretary of State Larry Conrad: A staffer to Sen. Birch Bayh, Conrad played a key role in drafting the two amendments to the U.S. Constitution. He won the secretary of state’s post in 1972, setting up a showdown with Gov. Bowen in 1976, which he lost. Conrad and his wife Mary Lou became the heart and soul the Indiana Democratic Party and its annual Indiana Democratic Editorial Convention at French Lick.
 
38. Indianapolis Mayor Bart Peterson: The Democrat ended the GOP Indianapolis mayoral dynasty in 1999, defeating former secretary of state Sue Anne Gilroy, becoming the first member of his party to head city hall since 1963. Peterson merged the city police department with the Marion County sheriff’s department to create the Indianapolis Metropolitan PD, pushed a life science strategy and was given authority by the Indiana General Assembly to oversee charter schools in the city. Peterson laid the groundwork for the new Lucas Oil Stadium, the expansion of the convention center, the new airport and the city’s first Super Bowl bid. He was upset in 2007 by Republican Greg Ballard after he rammed through an income tax hike he needed to balance the city’s books.
 
39: U.S. Rep. Frank McCloskey: After winning one of the closest congressional elections in history over Republican Rick McIntyre in 1984 (he wasn’t seated until the following spring) McCloskey played a huge role in the Balkan wars of the early 1990s, urging President Clinton to bomb Serbia. The former Bloomington mayor went on a 1991 factfinding mission to Vocin, Croatia, and witnessed the aftermath of a massacre. He helped broker a peace between Croats and Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which led to the eventual Dayton Accords that ended that genocidal war. McCloskey was defeated for reelection by Republican John Hostettler in the 1994 tidal wave year.
 
40. Indianapolis Mayor Stephen Goldsmith: The former Marion County prosecutor succeeded his nemesis Mayor Hudnut in that office in 1991, then dramatically revamped Indianapolis government with the help of political allies such as Mitch Daniels. He became a national advocate for outsourcing government work, but few Indiana mayors and municipalities followed his lead. He won the 1996 Republican gubernatorial nomination, but was defeated by Frank O’Bannon in one of the biggest upsets in modern times. Goldsmith has since been an adviser to New York Mayor Bloomberg and Indianapolis Mayor Greg Ballard.
 
41. Republican Chairman Jim Kittle Jr.: If this Indianapolis businessman hadn’t won control of the Indiana Republican Party, Daniels would not have returned to Indiana to run for governor. Kittle was part of a business alliance that included Bob Grand and Lilly CEO Randy Tobias, who formed a shadow party called “The Phoenix Group” after expressing dissatisfaction with longtime GOP Chairman Mike McDaniel. When McDaniel stepped down, Kittle waged a two-month campaign, defeating John Earnest for the chair in 2002, paving the way for the Daniels candidacy. He modernized the GOP operations.
 
42. Indianapolis Mayor Greg Ballard: The so-called “accidental mayor” hitched himself to a populist wave upset with Mayor Peterson over an income tax hike. The mostly unknown Marine colonel was out-spent by Peterson 10 to 1 but pulled off a 5,000-vote upset in 2007. In that race and his successful reelection in 2011, Ballard did not run a negative ad. He has transformed the city as a green entity, putting hybrid vehicles into the city fleet, opening up bicycle lanes and share programs. He oversaw the 2012 Super Bowl operations, as well as the expansion of the convention center and the new airport.
 
43. Hammond Mayor Thomas McDermott Jr.: The son of a Republican mayor, McDermott is a Navy veteran, a Notre Dame law grad who has since become a three-term mayor of this industrial city adjacent to Chicago. He led the Lake County Democratic Party for five years and now is positioning for a potential 2016 gubernatorial run. He has been an advocate of a number of the Kernan-Shepard government reforms, favors combining the myriad of Lake County cities into the state’s second largest municipality, and used casino revenue to fund college scholarships for city residents.
 
44. Pat Kiely: He is currently president of the Indiana Manufacturers Association, but he was a powerful House Ways & Means chair during the Orr and Bayh administrations. He remains influential in legislature and Republican politics and was a confidante of Gov. Daniels.


45. DNC Chairman Joe Andrew: He became state chairman under Gov. Evan Bayh and was later elected Democratic national chairman under President Clinton. When Lt. Gov. Joe Kernan stunned Democrats by declining to run in late 2002, Andrew stepped in, selected billionaire Bren Simon as his running mate, battled State Sen. Vi Simpson for the nomination in the months before Gov. O’Bannon died. Simon abruptly left the ticket, Kernan reentered the race and the Andrew era ended.
 
46. Carmel Mayor Jim Brainard: The five-term Republican has transformed what was once simply an Indianapolis suburb into a vibrant, arts-oriented city. He led the way to remake the Keystone Parkway, eliminating dozens of stoplights, and installed an array of trendsetting roundabouts. Brainard has been controversial and council Republicans have been sharply critical of his spending and financial arrangements for the Palladium.

 47. State Sens. Luke Kenley and Brandt Hershman: With Chairman Borst’s defeat in 2004, Senate President Garton divided the Senate finance portfolio, with Kenley taking appropriations and Hershman the budget. The two place their stamps on all budget and tax matters in the post-Borst/Garton era.
 
48. Chairman Rex Early: The patriarch of Indiana Republicans, he took the chair when the party was broke in the early 1990s, and restored its fiscal health. Early ran unsuccessfully for governor in 1996, and later used his influence to help defeat Borst and Garton over the next decade.
 
49. Chairman Robin Winston: He was an O’Bannon era political operative, who directed the party in 1998 when it held onto the Indiana House despite the pending impeachment of President Clinton. Winston is the only African-American to lead an Indiana political party.
 
50. Chairwoman Ann DeLaney: She was the first female to head a political party, appointed after Gov. Bayh was elected to office.